In this symposium we investigate the roles of religious and spiritual development, learning, self-esteem and spiritual sensitivity in religious and spiritual involvement. We explore religious engagement of different populations with international data sets using both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Kirsi Tirri from Finland presents empirical findings on spiritual sensitivity of young adults who don’t go to church. According to the results, adults who don’t go to church still express needs for spirituality. Religious education in schools provides tools for religious understanding for students. Elina Hella from Finland presents suggestions for using variation in religious education classroom to promote religious understanding of secondary school students. Carmine Maiello from Switzerland presents empirical evidence of the correlates between religiosity and social engagement. Zehavit Gross presents results on how Israeli Jewish adolescents (N=852) who are deeply rooted within modernity perceive their religious identity, values and worldviews. We have two discussants in this invited symposium. Wiel Veugelers comes from the humanistic tradition and makes remarks from that tradition. Terry Lovat represents more religiously oriented approach and discusses the papers from that perspective. Together the papers and discussants give room to both religious and spiritual points of views.

Introduction

This study reports results on spiritual sensitivity of young urban adults (N=500). These adults represent people who are not religiously involved. However, they do express spirituality without being religious. The spiritual sensitivity of these adults is measured with spiritual sensitivity scale consisting of four dimensions: Awareness sensing, mystery sensing, value sensing and community sensing (Tirri et al. 2006). The results show differences in spiritual sensitivity between males and females. Furthermore, young adults differ from other populations in the community sensing dimension of spirituality. They express less need to belong to a community and prefer individuality in their expression of spirituality.

Theoretical framework

.Spirituality can be defined as “awareness that there is something greater than the course of everyday events”. In children’s lives events such as birth, death, sadness, love, joy and special occasions are related to this definition. Furthermore, activities such as painting, drawing, sorting, matching, play, story and singing can give room to spiritual awareness (Hay, 1998). Hay (1998) has identified three categories of spiritual sensitivity. Awareness sensing refers to an experience of a deeper level of consciousness when we choose to be aware by “paying attention” to what is happening. This category coincides with Gardner’s (1999) notion of “spiritual as achievement of a state of being”. According to Hay (1998, p. 60) this kind of awareness refers to a reflexive process of being attentive towards one’s attention or “being aware of one’s awareness”.

The second category of spiritual sensitivity is mystery sensing which is connected to our capacity to transcend the everyday experience and to use imagination. For instance, the beauty and wonder of sunrise and sunset includes the sense of mystery even after the scientific explanations are presented. Imagination is essential to religious activity through the metaphors, symbols, stories and liturgies which respond to the otherwise unrepresentable experience of the sacred. This category relates to both Gardner’s (1999) understanding of spiritual intelligence as the “achievement of a state of being” and the “concern with cosmic or existential issues”, while emphasizes the mysterious nature of such experiences.

The third category of spiritual sensitivity is value sensing. This category emphasizes the importance of feelings as a measure of what we value. Among such things are the issues that touch our existential questions and meaning seeking. (Hay, 1998, p. 70-74.) This category resembles with Gardner’s (1999) definition of spiritual intelligence as the “concern with cosmic or existential issues”.

In this study, we added a social dimension to Hay’s three categories of spiritual sensitivity. The social aspect of spirituality has been suggested also by Gardner (1999). The fourth sub scale of spiritual sensitivity is called community sensing and is based on the work of Bradford (1995). Bradford has identified three types of spirituality. Human spirituality refers to the needs of care, love, security and responsibility we all desire. Devotional spirituality is built upon this human spirituality and it is expressed within a certain religious tradition, culture and language. The third type of spirituality is practical spirituality in which both other types of spiritualities merge. Practical spirituality is shown in our everyday lives giving us the direction and influencing our social responsibilities and concerns (Bradford, 1995). Bradford's definitions represent the social aspect in the domains of spiritual intelligence (Gardner, 1999) and include the practical problem solving applications suggested by Zohar and Marshall (2000) and Emmons (1999).

Data and method

Sample

The data for this study (N=500) was collected with the 20 –item instrument in 2004. The theoretical structure of the questionnaire has been analyzed earlier with a sample (N = 496) that consists of following three sub groups: (1) preadolescents (n = 188), (2) adolescents (n = 86) and (3) adults (n = 227).  Results from this validation study are reported in our earlier work (Tirri et al. 2006).

The sample was collected with phone interviews from 500 young adults (20-39 years olds). Each respondent was personally invited to take part in the study. The study was a part of a larger project researching young urban adults in the city of Helsinki. Participants were asked to use the Likert-scale from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree) to evaluate their attitude towards the statements measuring spiritual sensitivity.

Results

In this study we have used a quantitative instrument measuring these four dimensions. According to the results, spiritual sensitivity is important also for young urban adults who are not actively religious. They need quiet moments in the midst of everyday life, mystical and esthetic experiences to complete rational thinking and they are searching for meaning and values in life. Young adults also want to advance peace with their actions. Females evaluated themselves more spiritual than males in almost all the items measuring spiritual sensitivity (8/12). This finding is in accord with earlier findings related to gender differences in religiosity. In general, young adults were quite individualistic in their preferences. However, those young adults who belonged to the church valued more community oriented ways to practice spirituality. Those young adults who did not belong to the church valued mysticism, beauty and esthetics.

This paper introduces phenomenography and the Variation Theory of Learning (e.g. Marton et al. 2004) as potentially effective pedagogical tools to help students to relate to and make sense of the variety of worldviews and belief systems.  It is argued, that phenomenography serves as a tool for researchers and teachers of religious education to discern and relate together qualitatative differences in understanding a particular religious subject matter from different perspectives. The Variation Theory of Learning, developed within phenomenographic research tradition, focuses on how the qualitative differences between students’ ways of understanding a particular phenomenon are linked to their ability to discern the critical aspects of that phenomenon. From the framework of the Variation Theory of Learning, it is argued, that to understand the uniqueness of a particular ‘religious’ worldview, variation must be experienced within religious worldviews as well as between religious and non-religious or secular worldviews. Religious education can help students to discern features of a particular religious tradition by exposing students to experience variation in that tradition in contrast with alternative traditions. Hence, students can make sense of the diversity of worldviews by comparing similarities and differences between contrasting perspectives or features in order to discern one from the other. Illustrations of how religious meanings are discerned and constituted by the students and teachers of religious education in Finnish upper secondary schools are drawn from a phenomenographic study to support the arguments (Hella, forthcoming).

Today religious education aims at helping students to make sense of plurality between and within religious and secular traditions in current multi-cultural encounters between societies. This paper focuses on how the world of religious diversity can be dealt with as a challenge for student learning of particular contents in religious education. Opportunities and critical conditions for learning about religion in religious education (RE) are analysed using a qualitatative research approach called ’phenomenography’ (Marton, 1981). Phenomenographic research investigates qualitative differences between individuals’ ways of experiencing of a particular phenomenon within a group. The qualitative differences in understanding a particular worldview, revealed by phenomenographic investigation, are critical for learning, as they show what students focus on and what aspects of a particular religious worldview they are able to discern. This is important pre-condition for teaching to enhance students’ discernment of new aspects that are considered educationally significant for developing understanding towards the educational aims. It is argued, by elaborating on the concept of relationality (Bowden, 2005), that the research perspective of phenomenography offers a relational approach to religious education. It does this by offering both reseachers and teachers of religious education an analytical tool to identify the educational critical aspects marked by differences and similarities in the ways in which meaning of a certain religion is discerned and constituted.

The theoretical development of phenomenography has culminated in the establishment of the ’Variation Theory of Learning’ (Marton et al. 2004).  This theory investigates how qualitative differences in ways of understanding a particular phenomenon are linked to individual learner’s ability to discern educationally critical aspects of that phenomenon. According to the theory, discernment of a certain aspect of that which is to be learned, an object of learning is a function of variation experienced by the learner. Therefore, variation must be present in the learning environment in dimensions corresponding to the aspects students have become capable of discerning’ (Bowden & Marton, 1999, 12).  Thus, the theory emphasises that for learning to take place, variation in the critical aspect of the object of learning, must be experienced (Marton et al. 2004: Marton & Pang, 2006). The concept of dimension of variation refers to those aspects, within which distinctions are made to discern meanings of a particular phenomenon. Hence, these dimensions are seen as critical aspects of learning of the phenomenon in question. Thus, they can be used both as an analytical tool to understand how people discern and constitute meanings and as educational tool to expand students’ awareness of different aspects of religions and spirituality. According to the theory, in order to discern a certain religious worldview, for example, one must be aware of different religious worldviews in relation to non-religious worldviews. In other words, variation in the dimension of worldview must be experienced. The Variation Theory of Learning serves as a pedagogical tool for teachers to help their students to relate to a specific subject matter of religious education and discern the critical aspects the object of learning (see Marton et al. 2004). Suggestions of how to use variation of educationally critical aspects of the object of learning in religious education classrooms are outlined. Teachers’ task is to open up variation corresponding to the aspects of a particular worldview and its relationship to other worldviews that students have become able of to discern. The paper draws from the phenomenographic studies by Hella (2006a, 2006b) to illustrate the meaning discernment of teachers and students in religious education to draw implications for what students and teacher could learn from each other in the process of meaning constitution of a particular worldview in relation to other worldviews.

This study examines the relationship between religiosity as measured by the Degrees of Belief in God scale (Maiello, 2005, 2006) and several factors of personality including self-esteem, gender, extraversion, neuroticism, trait-anxiety and depression. Standardized questionnaires were administrated in all Swiss schools located in the counties of Berne, Basel and Zurich thus covering most of the German speaking part of Switzerland. Subsequently, a total sample of 2124 high school students (1129 males, 985 females, 10 gender indications missing) aged between 15 and 23 (Mean = 18, Mode = 18) was used to test a priori designed causal models of religiosity and personality. Results reveal that personality and religiosity are linked in various non linear and indirect ways. Particularly, there is evidence of a curvilinear relationship between depression and religiosity. Furthermore, the data are consistent with a proposed model of personality and religiosity that includes a feedback loop between neuroticism and religiosity as well as indirect effects of extraversion and positive effects of self-esteem on religiosity. With reference to self-esteem no correlation with religiosity is observed at a zero-order level. But, controlling for anxiety surprisingly reveals a positive beta coefficient. Although it has been reported that women generally score higher on belief scales than men (Dieckmann & Maiello, 1998) no gender differences were found in this study using a sample of 18 year old students. The results of this study have several theoretical implications and offer the potential for important clinical applications. With reference to theory and clinical treatment the outcome of a feedback-loop between neuroticism and religiosity is particularly relevant. It resolves issues of consistency found in the literature in which neuroticism has been contradictorily reported to be correlated either positively or negatively with religiosity.

The present study examines a considerable number of relationships between religiosity as measured by the Degrees of Belief in God scale (Maiello, 2005, 2006) and various dimensions of personality and identity. The degrees of belief in God scale (DBG) represents a very economical instrument that has been extensively tested within the classical test theoretical framework using exploratory factor analyses (Maiello, 2005) and within more complex frameworks that make use of confirmatory factor analytic models (Maiello, 2006) and item response theory (Maiello, in preparation). Since it has been shown that the measurements with this instrument are equivalent in a large number of cultures and religions (Maiello, 2005, 2006) scores on the degrees of belief in God scale can be generalized without reference to a specific religion. Among the other variables included in this study self-esteem and gender, classical personality factors such as extraversion and neuroticism as well as clinical factors such as trait-anxiety and depression have been considered. The data sets used are the result of self reports on standardized questionnaires that have been administrated in all Swiss schools located in the counties of Berne, Basel and Zurich thus covering most of the German speaking part of Switzerland. A sample of 2124 randomly selected high school students (1129 males, 985 females, 10 gender indications missing) aged between 15 and 23 (Mean = 18, Mode = 18) was used to test theoretical a priori designed causal models of religiosity and personality. Structural equation modelling (SEM) has been applied to analyse the data. Among the developed and tested models a particularly sophisticated non recursive model of belief and personality has been proposed in order to account for inconsistencies found in the literature with reference to the relationship between religiosity and neuroticism. Works on this relationship differ with reference to the sign of the reported correlations since some studies report positive and others negative correlations. To resolve this issue, the model proposed in the present study includes a feedback loop between neuroticism and religiosity. The underlying hypothesis was that subjects with high levels of neuroticism tend to be more religious and that religiosity in turn helps decreasing neuroticism. The data have been found to be consistent not only with the proposed feedback-loop but also with indirect effects of extraversion and positive effects of self-esteem on religiosity. Global fit measures were indicative of a good model fit (chi²(3)=2.420; p=.49). Results reveal further that personality is linked to religiosity also in other non linear ways. Particularly relevant is the evidence of a curvilinear relationship between depression and religiosity with higher levels of religiosity at a moderate level of depression. With reference to self-esteem no correlation with religiosity has been observed at a zero-order level. But, controlling for anxiety surprisingly reveals a positive beta coefficient. Although it has been reported that women generally score higher on belief scales than men (Dieckmann & Maiello, 1998) and also express religious behaviour significantly more often than men (Batson & Ventis, 1982) no gender differences have been found in this sample of 18 year old students. Globally, the results of this study have several theoretical implications and offer the potential for important clinical applications. With reference to theory and clinical treatment the outcome of a feedback-loop between neuroticism and religiosity is particularly important. It resolves issues of consistency found in the literature in which neuroticism has been contradictorily reported to be related either positively or negatively to religiosity. From a methodological point of view the existence of non linear relationships indicate further that the study of religiosity cannot be adequately covered using only linear models. Furthermore, total effects obtained adding direct and indirect effects should be considered and included in the interpretation of the outcomes.

The aim of this quantitative research is to analyze how Israeli  Jewish adolescents (N=852) who are deeply rooted within modernity, as an integral part of their school socialization which is basically modern, perceive their religious identity, values and worldviews which are basically rooted within traditionalism. The findings show that in terms of religious practice (Mitzvot) and belief (Emunah), Israeli society and adolescents seem relatively traditional. A gap was found  between the theoretical attitude towards religious experience and the practical religious experience.  There was found a strong appeal for a form of religiousness that emphasizes the experiential aspect rather than the practical aspect. A negative correlation was found between xenophobia and the so-called secular religious worldviews and a positive correlation between xenophobia and Jewish worldviews. The explanation for these findings should take into account the unique historical and cultural Jewish circumstances.   Jews were for many years a minority in their countries of residence. Their Jewish religion was  a means to preserve them from assimilation. The establishment of a modern civilian  Jewish state is part of normalization processes of the Jewish nation and thus it challenges these traditional Jewish convictions. A more pluralistic and open education alongside with religious education which is more about religion rather than merely as a  practical learning (attendance in synagogue and faith) will narrow potential dissonance cognitive and  enable those adolescents to better adjust themselves  to the modern world they live .

The aim of this quantitative research is to analyze how Israeli  Jewish adolescents (N=852) who are deeply rooted within modernity, as an integral part of their school socialization which is basically modern, perceive their religious identity, values and worldviews which are basically rooted within traditionalism.

The state of Israel can be considered in many respects as a modern western society while on the other hand it is a traditional, religiously oriented society. From its inception the Israeli state is struggling with its identity definition: will it be a Jewish state or a state of all its citizens. This dilemma is another facet of the confrontation between traditionalism and modernization.  The state of Israel was established by secular Jews whose national awakening in Europe was an integral part of their rejection of their religiosity. The majority of the population in Israel can be characterized as secular Jews who manifest modern lifestyles with varied degrees of respect for and practice of religious precepts. However within this majority are many who follow a modified traditional way of life as will be described below. Within the religious group there are many who lead a religious way of life regulated by Jewish religious law while participating in the country’s national and modern life. There is no separation between state and religion in Israel. The shabbath (Saturday - the official free day of the week) is a religious day. Moreover all the Jewish festivals and holy days have instituted as national holidays and are celebrated by the entire Jewish population and observed by all to a certain degree.

Religious Identity in Israel Today

In a research carried out in 1991 and in 1999 (see Table 1) it was found  there has been no change in the self-reported level of observance of religious tradition: 16 % are strictly observant, 20 % observe to a great extent or “mostly”, 43 % observe somewhat and 20 % do not observe at all. The researchers found that there has been a change in the self-definition of religiosity. Thus in 1999 an increase in the proportion who say they “are not religious” was found and a corresponding decline in the proportion representing themselves as traditional. Levy, Levinsohn & Katz (2004) claim that the distribution of response to these two questions (self-reported level of observance, and self-defined religiosity) make plain that there is a much higher reported level of observance than of religiosity: about 50 % describe themselves as not religious, but only about 20 % describe themselves as not at all observant. This gap is an integral part of an existential dilemma within the Jewish identity and should be explained from a historiographic perspective.

.  In the light of the above we would like to see how Israeli adolescents who are deeply rooted within modernity, as an integral part of their school socialization which is basically modern, perceive their religious identity, values and worldviews which are basically rooted within traditionalism.

Metodology

2. Research Questions and Sample

Research Questions

The aim of this study is to investigate what religion means to Jewish Israeli youth at the micro, meso and macro levels.

The micro level incorporated personal religiosity components such as: religious practices, religious experiences and religious worldviews. Our main concern was to examine the extent to which the Jewish Israeli religiosity is oriented towards Judaism compared to alternative worldviews.

Our main concern in the meso level was on their attitudes towards religious institutions. The main question that was asked was the relevance of Judaism for the individual, for society and for life in it. Since in Israel there is no separation between state and religion and religious education is obligatory few questions were asked concerning the students’ attitude to religious education.

The macro level dealt mainly with religion in today’s increasingly multireligious society. Our main concern was how Israeli adolescents relate to religious and cultural pluralism, to what extent do they see religion to fit in modern life and how do they view the relationships between religions.  The interpretation of the results will be in light of the effect of several interdependent variables: gender, degree of secularization, perspective on life, value orientation, political attitude and xenophobia.

Sample

Data was collected during the year 2003-2004. The sample consists of 852 high school students whom 84.3% were twelfth grade students and 15.7% were eleventh graders at the end of the school year. 54.5% were female and 55.5% male. The sample was carried out throughout the whole country. The research was conducted both in religious (43%) and secular (57%) schools.

Descriptive statistics, percentage proportions, means and standard deviation were used to characterize the data. For international comparative purposes, sum variables were constructed according to the given directives. In some cases the results are treated as single variables. The analysis was based on descriptive statistics, cross tabulations and correlations. The differences between groups were investigated by using Student’s t-test, and one way ANOVA, which was complemented with Scheffe’s test to examine linear combinations of the group’s means.

3. Empirical analysis (Main Findings).

In terms of religious practice (Mitzvot) and belief (Emunah), Israeli society and adolescents seem relatively traditional.  76.3 % regard themselves as believers and 53.4 % pray. Religious rituals are extremely important to these adolescents, 79.7 % think that their wedding should be celebrated within the scope of a religious service and it is important for 88.7 % that a religious service be held for a deceased relative/friend and 95.5 % claim that circumcision is important to them. As was mentioned in the introduction, in Israel there is no separation between state and church. Hence, private events in the life cycle have a public authorized religious manifestation. Most adolescents agree with it and it is an integral part of the consensual basis of the Israeli society.